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Digital social media afford unprecedented opportunities for groups of citizens to collaborate locally and internationally in innovative ways in countless domains. This book seeks to evaluate this potential, drawing upon a broad conceptual analysis and a series of co-creative case studies undertaken by a multi-disciplinary research team with community partners in different parts of the UK. Creative citizenship is shown to be a widespread, even global phenomenon, though the term itself is recent in origin. Creative citizens are active across the whole of society, making distinctive contributions in politics, education, media, environment, urban development, journalism, planning, business and many other dimensions. In its closing chapter, the book draws together the insights from case studies and a wider reflection upon policy options open to government and others to ‘unbind’ creative citizenship. The authors argue for re-consideration of official statistics to reflect the significant but largely uncounted contribution to the creative economy made by creative citizens. The book then identifies other ways in which the potential of creative citizens can be ‘unbound’, in fields such as community journalism, planning and education.

The book develops a novel theory of children’s place in liberal theory. It argues that justice requires promoting children’s wellbeing, not merely their fair access to resources. I argue that one important driver of children’s wellbeing is the ethical doctrines held by others in their society, as such a just society requires a culture that is conducive to children’s current and later flourishing. I outline a conception of children’s interests rooted in their ability to develop their talents, and in their current and future relationships with their family and wider community. I then apply this theory to the morality of parenting, and to two important distributive questions, school funding and parental subsidies. I argue that parents have important moral rights over their children, but that these rights are considerably more circumscribed than is often believed. I suggest that children’s deepest interests are furthered by equality of opportunity, and that the importance of parenting implies that states should transfer resources to families.

Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) are elected representatives whose role is to bring a public voice to policing and hold the police to account; the holders of this controversial role also control police budgets and strategic planning. Bryn Caless and Jane Owens obtained unprecedented access to the PCCs and their chief police officer teams and undertook confidential interviews with both sides. The results reveal the innermost workings of the PCCs’ relationships with the police, media, partners and public. The authors analyse the election process (in which PCCs polled the lowest local mandate ever) and consider the future of this politically-contested role.

Race Policy and Multiracial Americans is the first book to look at the impact of multiracial people on race policies, where race policies lag behind the growing numbers of multiracial people in our society, and how race policies can be used to promote racial justice for multiracial Americans. Using a critical mixed race perspective that challenges the prevailing color-blind ideology, this text covers such questions as: What policies aimed at combating racial discrimination should cover multiracial Americans? Should all (or some) multiracial Americans benefit from affirmative action programs? How are educators responding to the growing multiracial population? How can we better understand the health needs of multiracial Americans? In an institution organized by race, such as a prison, is it possible to maintain a multiracial identity? Should there be a multiracial category on the US Census? What is the present and potential influence of multiracial Americans on the racial hierarchy in the United States?

This book defines the use of rape and sexual violence as deliberate tactics used by state and non-state actors in both intra- and inter-state conflicts. It argues tactical rape is a serious human rights issue, a security threat to women, men, states and the international community. It analyses and tracks progress from tacit acceptance of rape and sexual violence in conflict as inevitable to normative rejection of them as recognised violations of international law. It acknowledges persistent practice of these tactics, ongoing involvement of state actors and serious criticisms of gendered legal and judicial contexts but argues a degree of significant positive change at international criminal tribunals and the United Nations Security Council. It considers the constructed vulnerability of women pre-conflict which increases their vulnerability during and post-conflict and their rights to participate in determining appropriate support, in reconciliation and in peace making. It introduces the main historical facts, theoretical terms and legal developments behind international policies and practices. It identifies negative implications of failing to bring perpetrators to account and proposes responses to ongoing challenges. Powerful testimonies of victims are included, bringing the issue alive and ensuring the human faces of victims and survivors are not lost in theoretical analysis.