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This book is framed around two very simple and interrelated questions; what is global power and in what ways does China have it? By focussing on political economy and ideational dimensions of global power, it shows how Xi Jinping, whilst building on what came before, has developed a set of strategic strands designed to bring about (global) change. This does not mean that all Chinese international interactions are a direct result of a clearly coordinated and controlled state project; grand strategy and state interest and intent can be (and indeed, often is) assumed when in reality Chinese overseas actors are utilising their ‘bounded autonomy’ to attain other objectives. The changing nature of China’s global economic role – not least the growth of outward investment – might have been enough it itself to shine a new light on the nature of China’s rise. So too might the way that China’s leaders have articulated their global governance reform agenda and used an ‘occidentalism’ to establish China’s leadership credentials. Or the nature of attempts to influence (or even control) the way that China’s rise is discussed and debated across the world. It’s perhaps not surprising, then, that while a risen China might have gained followership from some, concern about the consequences of China’s rise has increased quite significantly in places where it was previously viewed with less apprehension.

This book investigates the implications of the global ascent of China on cross-Strait relations and the identity of Taiwan as a democratic state. Examining an array of factors that affect identity formation, the book considers the influence of the rapid military and economic rise of China on Taiwan's identity. The ensuing assessment offers valuable insights into which policies have the best chance of resulting in peaceful relations and prosperity across the Taiwan Strait and builds a new theory of identity at elite and mass levels. It also possesses implications for the US-led world order and today's most critical great power competition.

Parliamentary diplomacy has provided a crucial, promising outlet in Taiwan's challenging pursuit of its own interests in the international arena. This book assesses both the potentials and the constraints of parliamentary diplomacy for Taiwan. Through a comparative perspective, and using evidence from the relations of the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan with the US Congress and the European Parliament, the book investigates the implementation of parliamentary diplomacy in Taiwan and its impact in Taiwan's foreign policy. In the book's analysis, it draws vital lessons that will have important implications for other entities which have similar challenges and aspirations.

This book provides fresh perspectives on geopolitical concerns in the South China Sea (SCS). It considers the interests and security strategies of each of the nations with a claim to ownership and jurisdiction in the Sea. The SCS disputes are multidimensional and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is selectively involved in some aspects of these dimensions. The book addresses the major pillars of conflict and geostrategic interest in the SCS, beginning with territorial sovereignty disputes among claimant parties over various land features in the South China Sea. It also covers maritime area claims and maritime rights claims by the disputant parties. Examining contexts including the region's natural resources and China's behaviour, the book also assesses the motivations and approaches of other states in Asia and further afield. It is an accessible, even-handed and comprehensive examination of current and future rivalries and challenges in one of the most strategically important and militarized maritime regions of the world.

The book explains the politics of regionalism in South Asia from the vantagepoint of International Relations (IR). It engages three major IR theoretical approaches – Neorealism, institutionalism and constructivism - to explain the complex dynamics of South Asian regionalism – its origin, evolutionary process, outcome and effects. The study traces the origins and evolution of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) from its inception to the present day. Using comparative perspectives based on the experiences of similar regional organisations, the book provides an in-depth analysis of the performance of SAARC and its challenges and limits. The study divides the evolution of SAARC into two distinct phases. In the formative phase, the organisation primarily focussed on, based on the neo-functional idea of ‘spillover’ – low level issue areas for cooperation. In the second phase from 1993 onward, cooperation was initiated in the core economic areas, i.e. trade in goods and services, finance, investment etc. While the organisation achieved some tangible and intangible successes, its failures are more glaring. Terming the formation of SAARC essentially as a political project, the book argues that the patterns of regional international relations have primarily determined the outcome of regionalism in South Asia. While the socio-economic development constituted the key rationale for the formation of SAARC, its modus operandi was politico-strategic which led to its gradual erosion. Notwithstanding its limits, the book asserts that SAARC will have to be called back at a future date due to the persistence of the compelling rationale for which it was created.